Politically correct garbage
Minister of Public Service and Administration Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi’s suggestion (”Corruption is inimical to development”, March 9) that corruption can be fought through ”ubuntu”, and that what Africa needs is a return to its traditional values is politically correct garbage. Fraser-Moleketi is normally an astute leader, and to think she might base policy decisions on such premises is extremely worrisome.
Corruption rarely starts in dealings with multinational corporations and it has little to do with ”colonisers” imposing their laws on Africa. The continent is almost devoid of foreign direct investment, but it is rife with corruption. Why?
Corruption has a lot to do with perpetrators being given latitude to accept bribes without being called to account. In short, there are no effective oversight institutions in place and those that might exist are encouraged to look the other way.
The minister knows this well, given the extensive levels of corruption in the public sector.
To take a common example: a municipal manager is responsible for ensuring clean water is delivered to citizens, but tenders the contract to a comrade. The friend, whose company has little experience of providing water services, provides, in return, a percentage cut of the profit (and/or makes a relative of the manager a partner in the enterprise).
If she/he completes the work at all, the contractor does so with the cheapest materials to increase the profit margin. Within days, leaks appear; within weeks, the system collapses.
No big bad multinational involved in this deal. In the meantime, the unemployed or the working poor have been left without water. Not much ”ubuntu” here either, except for the family and friends of the municipal manager!
The only thing the minister gets right is that corruption hurts development. It certainly does. But it cannot be fought through vague notions of ”ubuntu” and misplaced rambles about colonial legacies.
Corruption is mostly a function of opportunism in lax state institutions. The treasury has been highly successful in creating an efficient tax administration. This is not surprising since the ANC leaders fully realise the importance of being able to collect taxes. We need a similar institutional effort now to enforce the anti-corruption laws already on the books.
The ANC has to fight this battle internally, given the many problems it faces — spanning from party finances to the infamous arms deal and its consistent blockage of an investigation into possible conflicts of interests concerning some of its most influential members. Several of Fraser-Moleketi’s colleagues need to come clean before this fight can even begin.
The rot is at the top, so it is highly likely that there will be more blaming of multinational corporations and colonialism. These smokescreens should not distract us from the real issues — weak oversight institutions and lack of political will. — Thomas Koelble, professor of business administration in political science, Graduate School of Business, University of Cape Town
De la Rey is incitement
Theuns Eloff (March 2) says Afrikaners are ”gatvol” with crime, lack of delivery, affirmative action, racism, oppression of their language and name-changes of towns and cities.
In fact, most South Africans are gatvol over the delay in completing affirmative action, and with businesses and institutions that are resisting it. He should provide statistics on the staff composition at the institution he heads, and efforts to implement affirmative action there.
People are also gatvol over Afrikaans as a medium of instruction on the Potch campus. Non-Afrikaans speakers receive distorted information through translation. Eloff should be telling Afrikaners to have regard for all 11 official languages.
The majority of South Africans are gatvol over the delays in land reform. And they are concerned about racism. In fact, Eloff’s article is racist in its insinuation that black politicians cannot govern.
It is racist by citing Steve Hofmeyr’s sales as a first in South Africa, while ignoring Mandoza, Brenda Fassie and others. Such sectional thinking would make any proud South African gatvol.
On name changes, the nation was not consulted on Potchefstroom’s name, and no further national consultation is needed to change it back to Tlokwe. It is the delay in changing names that makes the nation fed up.
The call for De la Rey to come and lead the volk is incitement. But the civil disobedience of which Eloff apparently approves will be crushed like ice until justice, redress and equity for the majority are achieved.
There is no difference between Afrikaner youth singing ”De la Rey, De la Rey, sal jy die boere kom lei” and African youth singing ”Kill the boer, kill the farmer”. They should both be building the Rainbow Nation. — Mpolokeng Gaopalelwe, staff member, North West University
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What about post-apartheid benefits like the national anthem and flag; the Constitution and the rights it affords all South Africans, including Afrikaners; equality before the law, irrespective of race; freedom of movement, abode, association and expression, unheard-of during apartheid; freedom to criticise the government without fear of detention or assassination; electricity, water and sewerage roll-outs; and the broadening of education facilities?
Eloff suggests Afrikaners feel disempowered and unimportant. Thousands of unemployed youth of all groups feel excluded from public life and the economy. Most are working-class children who hoped in vain that university education would raise them from poverty.
Anyone who argues for one group without articulating this baffles me. The three recommendations with which Eloff concludes his article cover the desires of all South Africans. — Nhlanhla Maake, academic and novelist
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No commitment to peace
‘Is peace in Africa achievable?”, a Swedish friend asked me at the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre in Ghana. Some of my colleagues were shocked. But Africans should be asking themselves this question.
The African Union and Nepad were widely seen as a turning point in Africa’s quest for development, peace and good governance. African leaders have frequently committed themselves to working together to find a panacea to the continent’s woes.
But most forget the pledges when they return home. While some success has been achieved in countries such as Sierra Leone and Liberia, Sudan, Somalia and Chad remain a major test for the AU in proving Africans can resolve their own problems.
Recently, the AU appealed to member states to contribute troops to a peacekeeping mission in Somalia. Only Nigeria, Ghana, Malawi, Burundi and Uganda responded. If Africa cannot raise 8 000 troops, are our leaders sincerely committed to peace?
Many African countries hide behind monetary constraints. Yet Malawi and Burundi are among Africa’s poorest countries.
Africa needs a credible standby peacekeeping force. If a regional body like Ecowas can have a standby army, why can’t the AU?
It seems some African leaders perceive war as ”sexy”, to quote Andrea de Guttry of the International Training Programme for Conflict Management. Others are benefiting from conflict. — Wilfred Mooketsi, Botswana
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Is there a rise in teen pregnancies?
I did not say that only adults believe the child-support grant is fuelling teen pregnancy (”Sweet 16 young mamas”, March 9). Young people seem to be divided 50/50 on the issue. But we do need to look beyond the obvious suspects.
A national survey of 15 to 24 year olds, to be published soon, found that only 2% of those who had been pregnant cited the child-care grant as the reason for pregnancy. The desire for affirmation and security, and social expectations of womanhood among school-leavers, were greater motivators.
We also need to know whether teen pregnancies are really on the up. It has become conventional wisdom, but there is very little but anecdote by way of proof.
We should not lose sight of the fact that being at school protects girls against pregnancy and HIV. The biggest jump in teen pregnancy occurs soon after leaving school, among women who are suddenly at a loss for what to do and where to go. Given that the condition of pregnancy seems to enhance HIV transmissibility, this is the time of greatest risk.
Any teen pregnancy is cause for concern, but we should focus more on changing perceptions of opportunity among school-leavers than worrying about whether the child-care grant is a perverse incentive for a small minority of school pupils. — David Harrison, CEO, loveLife
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Budget confusion
It’s really hard to work out where Kevin Davie stands on the 2007 budget. Presumably he agrees with your editorial (”Two and 12 zeros”, February 23) lamenting the continuation of ”so much poverty”, currently affecting seven million unemployed people, plus the millions working for poverty wages.
Davie disapproves of government’s underspending, but complains it ”falls short of offering value for every rand spent”. Here he puts his finger on one reason for under-spending: civil servants have been smacked about the chops for reckless spending in the past, and now err on the side of caution.
Davie apparently disapproves of the minister creating ”fiscal space” (budget surplus), but cracks: ”Tell that to the poor and unemployed.” On the other hand, he is glad that Public Enterprises Minister Alec Erwin’s ”messianic zeal” (in spending) is reined in, and that other spending ministries must produce strict business plans.
He is worried about social development spending being just over 22% of total (tell that to the poor), and the tax take, just over 28% of GDP, which will interfere with our aspirations to be a ”competitive investment destination”.
What he means is that, above all, we must appease global capital: without low taxes and high profit levels, it will spurn our shores. That is the crux, the rest is economists’ verbiage.
The truth is that this aspiration — to reward capital more than anyone else — is the answer to the central question in your leader: ”With so much money, why so much poverty?” The price of pleasing capital is to keep its share of the cake high and rising. — Margaret Legum, Kalk Bay
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Repressive
Virginia Tilley’s claim (”Africa and the ‘war on terror”’ March 2) that the Islamic Courts Union merely constituted an ”opposition” in Somalia is dishonest.
A sharia-based militia whose aim was to establish a theocratic state, it is socially repressive and misogynistic, imposes summary justice, and assaults people who listen to Western music.
Last October, its youth wing murdered wounded men in their hospital beds. Its commander, Aden Hashi Ayro, has been implicated in the murder of four aid workers. He is also suspected of harbouring al-Qaeda operatives who bombed American embassies in Africa.
No human rights supporter should regret the Courts removal from power. — Seth Cumming, London
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Creative work
I share the Mail & Guardian’s notion that Western Cape Premier Ebrahim Rasool tried, and failed, to oil the Somerset Hospital deal. There is far too much evidence, besides the M&G’s, pointing only in that direction.
I did not provide your reporter, Pearlie Joubert (January 26), with any of her revelations, as Rasool claims. I first spoke to her when, having drafted the story, she phoned me for comment.
Rasool has done some remarkably creative work with selected excerpts from the newspaper’s ombudsman’s report, and the truth would be served by publishing the full report, together with his comments. — Robin Carlisle, Democractic Alliance MPL, Western Cape
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In brief
Rapule Tabane’s insightful interview with Zwelinziwa Vavi (”Talking ’bout revolution”, March 9) made me wish Vavi and comrades would give up their comfortable gravy-class seats and give South Africa an opposition party worth voting for. The DA and ID have nothing to offer, and a few shouts from the belly of the ANC don’t help. Stop barking at the hand that feeds you, Cosatu. Become a real watchdog and give the fat cats a run for their money! — Izak de Vries, Cape Town
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In analysing the failures of our education system, Graeme Bloch (”No silver bullet for education”, March 9) ignores a crucial factor: teachers who have no sense of vocation and no commitment to educating children. They come ill-prepared, are often absent, pitch up late, have little ability to provide discipline, and sit in the teachers’ common room when they should be teaching. Linked to this are principals who cannot motivate teachers. Politicians and officials mostly waffle about the problem. Has Bloch a swift answer? How about putting heads on the block? — RL Legg
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Fiona Macleod’s piece on the health effects of crop spraying (”Evidence of poison”, March 9) was excellent, and Dr Johan Minnaar is to be congratulated for bringing the matter to the attention of the authorities. For further reading on the issue we face, see www.tasmaniantimes.com, especially the health and environment sections. — Alison Bleaney, GP, rural Tasmania