Events of the past two weeks, especially the nomination outcomes of the ANC Women’s League, have been a subject of much commentary, reflecting a range of opinions and degrees of understanding. To put matters into context, it is necessary to reflect on a number of issues.
First, an appreciation of the history of women’s struggles within the broader liberation struggle shows that progressive positions take a very long time to gel into routine practice. Second, the right of members of the Women’s League to deliberate and express themselves on matters pertaining to the broader ANC must be respected. Third, the historical role of the Women’s League in bringing this country to its progressive positions cannot be buried overnight.
The struggle for women’s emancipation and gender equality are fundamental ANC policies as a result of the role played by the Women’s League over decades. While sending formal deputations to hold talks with colonial authorities was the primary mode of engagement for the ANC in its founding years, for example, women in the Free State radicalised political action in the form of passive resistance campaigns against pass regulations as far back as 1912. Some ANC leaders at the time criticised such actions as counterproductive, but women stood firm, even in the face of brutal police harassment and imprisonment.
It is important to consider the social and political context in which the Women’s League nomination process took place. Women are not isolated from their communities and ANC branches, where matters are discussed and perspectives developed. The conditions of women on the ground, their socio-economic status, their daily realities, their resources and the information at their disposal, inform their outlook and perspectives.
The past two years have been marked by intense political developments and women members of the ANC have not emerged unscathed.
The history of the Women’s League is intertwined with that of the ANC. The ANC conference of 1991 illustrated the difficulty of gender-related internal debates. It was only at the next conference that delegates accepted the correctness of the 30% quota system for women.
The Women’s League national general council of 2007 adopted the 50/50 policy position for ratification by the ANC national conference in December 2007. The public commentary that flowed out of this proposal brought about high expectations around female leadership, but it appears that women’s struggles have become a pawn in a grand political game once again.
The creation of a non-sexist society is a constitutional prescription that we are bound to continue to be seized with and ought not to be used as a political knobkerrie.
Some of the questions that will have to be answered at the Polokwane conference relate to the composition of delegations. If, in future, we have to see to it that the conference itself is 50/50, men and women, how do we achieve that? And how do we adhere to democratic principles and, at the same time, seriously pursue the principle of gender equality?
These challenges, as OR Tambo said, are for men and women to tackle together.
Yes, the Women’s League must spearhead and provide specialist insights. However, it cannot be correct for everybody else to stand back and not help, but shout loudest when there are some developments that they do not like.
Baleka Mbete is speaker of the National Assembly