Handle with care: it is impossible to give a real sense of the import of the ”e-mails” without describing in detail their contents. These documents, however, show clear signs of being faked, including dubious e-mail addresses and demonstrably false content. No reference to what a particular person says in any of the e-mails or online chats should be taken as an assertion of the authenticity of the communication in question.
The ”e-mails” currently being investigated by the Inspector General of Intelligence, Zolile Ngcakani, purport to provide evidence for a grand unified conspiracy theory of the succession battle in the African National Congress.
In the 73 pages, most mocked-up to resemble correspondence, and online conversations, a wide series of agendas, some of them conflicting, are ”shown” working to advance the cause of a Xhosa-dominated clique led by Saki Macozoma. This is represented as scheming to control levers of state power to determine the outcome of the presidential succession race.
The documents attempt to suggest that this cabal is aided by the Scorpions, under National Director of Public Prosecutions Vusi Pikoli; a Jewish liberal media conspiracy, under Democratic Alliance leader Tony Leon; and a shadowy network of white racists in the state security apparatus.
They track the process by which divisions in the ANC and the government have evolved since Schabir Shaik’s trial, culminating in the ”spy wars” that saw Director General of Intelligence Billy Masetlha and two senior aides suspended for the alleged illegal surveillance of Macozoma.
Nailing Jacob Zuma
The earliest exchanges deal largely with Zuma and seek to provide evidence for a conspiracy against him.
The first e-mails purport to be between Macozoma and former prosecutions chief Bulelani Ngcuka, writing from a Yahoo account on February 6 2005, just before the Shaik trial reopened. Several persistent themes of the alleged Macozoma correspondence are first aired here.
Foremost is the suggestion that Macozoma has enlisted Ngcuka and others in the campaign to destroy Zuma politically, using a combination of persuasion and cash inducements. Here, as throughout the correspondence, crude ethnic politics are deployed.
”We are making sure that Zulu bastard is nailed to the cross,” Ngcuka informs Macozoma. ”The team will never forget your efforts at getting that Zulu fool out of the way,” Macozoma replies, promising that Ngcuka will be ”well compensated”.
Ngcuka then goes on to ask for help with a R5-million loan in return for his efforts. Macozoma says he will see what he can do.
A similar exchange between Macozoma and Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka ensues on April 20, in which she is promised ”Zuluboy’s position” as payment for what the Ngcukas have done.
On the same day, he presses one of Mbeki’s most senior staffers, to ensure that Zuma is prevented from participating in Burundi peace negotiations and that his political base is eroded ahead of the meeting of the ANC’s National General Council.
By August 15, Pikoli is supposedly another top presidential official on the planned raids on Zuma, titled ”final assault”.
”We have resolved to attack all Zuma’s residences including his house in Nkandla, Johannesburg, etc. We are also going after his lawyer and other friends to destroy this hope he is beginning to have,” Pikoli is represented as writing.
”Thanks, keep in touch, and we will watch the fireworks on the news. The chief expects your final briefing call,” is the alleged reply.
The media
The e-mails go to considerable lengths to fit reporting on the Zuma saga into the picture of a conspiracy. The Sunday Times and Mail & Guardian come in for particular attention.
The suggestion seems to be that smearing Zuma and his supporters, is simply one part of a broader white liberal strategy to divide and weaken the ANC.
Leon, who has denied involvement, appears coordinating press coverage with Anton Harber, former M&G editor and now journalism professor at Wits University, and Matthew Buckland, publisher of the Mail & Guardian Online. They also deny involvement, with Harber calling the e-mails a ”dangerous fraud”.
In an exchange dated August 14, Leon is presented as instructing Harber that his ”crack team” at the Sunday Times should handle a series of stories. Some appeared in that paper, one on the financial woes of the ANC Youth League, another on splits in the KwaZulu-Natal ANC, and a third linking Zuma and Sandi Majali, the central player in the Oilgate scandal.
”Leon” thanks the M&G for its work on Oilgate, and the e-mails allegedly from him end with the salute ”For the Whiteman’s struggle”.
Later, this group is joined by Gerrie Nel, the Scorpions Gauteng chief, and investigators Johan du Plooy and Izak du Plooy, central to the investigation of the relationship between Zuma and Schabir Shaik.
They are ”shown” informing Harber, Leon and Buckland that the future of the Scorpions is uncertain. Plans are then supposedly hatched to ”knock these kaffirs out using their own institutions”.
”We’ve got that bastard [Zuma] by the balls,” Izak du Plooy is said to inform the group. ”We have a lot of good intelligence and the boys are busy planting more fabricated info.”
Fresh enemies
From exchanges dated mid-August onward, the terrain becomes more complex. The Scorpions are presented as being worried about the Khampepe commission. Individuals in the unit are accused of spying for foreign powers. Masetlha’s move also angers Macozoma, correspondence purports to demonstrate, because it threatens his group’s control of a key state agency.
Macozoma is also depicted as preoccupied with battles against emerging alternatives to Zuma in the succession race, centrally ANC secretary general Kgalema Motlanthe.
Moves against Motlanthe and former Northern Cape premier Manne Dipico, presented in the e-mails as his ally, are central to the ”discussions” of all four groups, among whom increasing coordination is intimated.
Izak du Plooy is represented as telling the Leon/Harber group in an online chat dated August 16 that Pikoli has been given the green light to keep him in the news until enough evidence is available to effect a raid on him ”and his comrade Dipico”. The group agrees it is essential to move on this, in part because of growing support for Motlanthe in the Congress of South African Trade Unions.
A month later, following a suggestion from Mlambo-Ngcuka, e-mails between Macozoma and an ANC-linked businessman sets out a strategy to drive a wedge between Motlanthe and Pamodzi, an empowerment company he has links with, with the aim of eroding his financial support while attacks on his political base are conducted elsewhere.
”We need to accelerate the tempo on sorting out Motlantle [sic] and clipping his wings when it comes to the finances. We must put it to [Pamodzi] in such a manner that they feel the chief will start doubting their allegiance if they stick to a questionable character.”
The plan involves inviting Pamodzi directors on a trip with Mbeki, and using flattery and the prospect of a closer relationship to win them away from Motlanthe.
Slain empowerment financier Brett Kebble makes his inevitable appearance, depicted in e-mails between all the major players as a benefactor of the Zuma camp, and the holder of potentially dangerous information that could damage Macozoma’s planned ”final solution”. The investigation into his affairs by the Scorpions is presented as being a part of the conspiracy.
Khampepe and the NIA
The e-mails now turn to the battle for the future of the Scorpions that fought out at the Khampepe Commission in September and October — and, in particular, discussion of the NIA’s role.
The communications — purporting to be between members of the Scorpions, Pikoli, Intelligence Minister Ronnie Kasrils, Mlambo-Ngcuka and Macozoma — may be entirely bogus, but are seasoned with colourful insights to give a veneer of authenticity.
Discussing the commission in a communication purporting to be between Scorpions members, one participant says: ”While we warned against NIA, nothing has happened to them and now they are the guys giving us a headache at the Commission … What does Pikoli say?”
Another replies: ”Pikoli is on our side, it’s just that he is not a very strong person. Unlike Bulelani, he is quick to be afraid, leaving us leaderless … However, that suits us well, since the Laager Project [some sort of white supremacy plan] would work out faster and better with a weak black leader in place.”
Other e-mails purport to show discussions between Pikoli, Macozoma, Mlambo-Ngcuka and Kasrils about how to deal with NIA director general Billy Masetlha.
On October 9, the ”Pikoli” character states: ”Hi Saki, I am concerned about the way the commission is going, how do you think it will turn out? Are you guys still going to help us survive this onslaught?
”Secondly, the NIA arguments are not at all favourable as you are aware. You had promised to take care of Masetla [sic], yet he is becoming a serious problem to my Team. I was hoping that by now your plan of getting Kasrils to get rid of him would have worked, but it seems there is no progress.”
Later Mlambo-Ngcuka is purportedly drawn into the plan, writing to Macozoma: ”I have once again spoken to Ronnie regarding the issue of Masetlha. The minister is ready to get rid of him, he just needs to work on a proper plan.”
By October 14, the ground had shifted. Both the Cabinet and Kasrils had attacked Masetlha’s stance at the commission, where he had accused the Scorpions of jeopardising national security by liaising with foreign intelligence agencies.
An e-mail purporting to be from Mlambo-Ngcuka to Macozoma states: ”Your assessment was good Saki, Ronnie has done exactly as you had informed me … I think Masetla [sic] is on his way out soon. I’m glad Ronnie actually waited for the commission issue to take him back where he belongs.”
In an exchange purportedly between Kasrils and Mlambo-Ngcuka on October 20, the evening of Masetlha’s suspension, Kasrils supposedly says: ”I have now managed to suspend the two Masetla [sic] allies. They are going to court and trying to stifle my decision. Billy is going to be the difficult one … I am counting on you for the President’ support when push comes to shove.”
Kasrils told the M&G that he had never had any communication with the individuals concerned. ”In fact, I do not personally communicate through e-mail or SMS. My secretary handles all my correspondence.
”I reiterate that these e-mails, which are a subject of investigation by the inspector general of intelligence and the South African Police Service, are clearly a fabrication and have very sinister intentions. Such mischievousness is not new in our country. We experienced menacing Stratcom operations during the apartheid era, and this continued post-1990 where there have been many examples of poison pen documentation that were circulated.”
The M&G approached most of those whose names appear as participants in the e-mails for comment. Few were prepared to say anything, although there are indications that some have been questioned by investigators.
NPA spokesperson Makhosini Nkosi said the Ministry of Intelligence had already pronounced itself and ”the NPA will not deviate from the official government position on this matter”.